Agadez: The bus station in Agadez is bustling with activity, a testament to its role as a key regional hub in the Nigerien desert. This city, perched on the northern edge of the Sahel, has served as a crossroads for trade routes between West Africa and the Maghreb for centuries. The distinction between legal trade and smuggling has long been blurred, with the illicit movement of people from sub-Saharan Africa, aiming for Europe without proper documentation, unofficially recognized as a major source of income.
According to Deutsche Welle, the landscape of smuggling in Agadez and its surrounding regions has undergone significant changes following a military coup in 2023 that led to the abolition of certain laws. The new military leadership enacted this change swiftly, just a day after signing a military agreement with Russia. Ulf Laessing, head of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation’s regional program in Mali, suggests that Russian influence played a crucial role in this decision. The repercussions were immediate, with the smuggling operations in Agadez experiencing a resurgence, a trend that continues to grow.
The shift in alliances is not isolated to Niger. Neighboring countries like Burkina Faso and Mali have also experienced similar dynamics, with their military governments forging closer ties with Moscow rather than Brussels. This realignment has coincided with a marked expansion of the regional smuggling industry, notably in the drug sector. Reports from the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) highlight a dramatic increase in drug seizures across these nations, with figures soaring from 13 kilograms annually between 2015 and 2020 to around 1.5 tonnes by 2022.
Amado Philip de Andres from the UNODC in Dakar, Senegal, notes that the Sahel’s strategic location has long attracted the attention of drug smugglers. The region serves as a transit point between Latin American producers and European consumers. Recent data from 2024 indicates that over a tonne of cocaine was seized in a single operation on the border between Senegal and Mali, setting a new record. De Andres points to the increasing sophistication of smuggling operations, citing technologies such as underwater vehicles capable of transporting substantial drug loads.
The growing financial power of criminal networks in the Sahel has facilitated money laundering in major regional projects, against a backdrop of corruption among officials and security forces. As Europe’s influence wanes, initiatives aimed at curbing corruption and promoting good governance have stalled. This environment has allowed drug traffickers to exert more influence over local border officials and politicians.
Despite promises of military intervention from Russia to restore order, the results have been underwhelming. With fewer troops compared to France’s past deployment of over 5,000 soldiers, Russia’s presence—comprising around 1,500 in Mali and another 400 in Burkina Faso and Niger—has not pacified the region. Instead, the involvement of Russian mercenaries, such as the Africa Corps, has exacerbated conflicts, contributing to an atmosphere of increased brutality.